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Forty years ago, two women's movements drew a line in the sand between liberals and conservatives. The legacy of that rift is still evident today in American politics and social policies.
Gloria Steinem was quoted in 2015 (the New Yorker) as saying the National Women's Conference in 1977 "may take the prize as the most important event nobody knows about." After the United Nations established International Women's Year (IWY) in 1975, Congress mandated and funded state conferences to elect delegates to attend the National Women's Conference in Houston in 1977. At that conference, Bella Abzug, Steinem, and other feminists adopted a National Plan of Action, endorsing the hot-button issues of abortion rights, the Equal Rights Amendment, and gay rights--the latter a new issue in national politics. Across town, Phyllis Schlafly, Lottie Beth Hobbs, and the conservative women's movement held a massive rally to protest federally funded feminism and launch a Pro-Family movement.
Although much has been written about the role that social issues have played in politics, little attention has been given to the historical impact of women activists on both sides. DIVIDED WE STAND reveals how the battle between feminists and their conservative challengers divided the nation as Democrats continued to support women's rights and Republicans cast themselves as the party of family values.
The women's rights movement and the conservative women's movement have irrevocably affected the course of modern American history. We cannot fully understand the present without appreciating the events leading up to Houston and thereafter.
- Sales Rank: #34460 in Books
- Brand: Bloomsbury USA
- Published on: 2017-02-28
- Released on: 2017-02-28
- Original language: English
- Dimensions: 9.58" h x .6" w x 6.41" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 448 pages
- Bloomsbury USA
Review
"[W]e will gain courage, knowledge, and tactics from reading about the historic National Women’s Conference and the following decades of meetings, struggles, and campaigns that allowed women to decolonize our minds and begin to express ourselves as unique human beings." - Gloria Steinem
"[A] highly detailed but well-focused account . . . assiduously researched . . . There are countless kernels of amazing achievement and courage throughout this jam-packed, engaging history." - starred review, Kirkus Reviews
"[A] timely history . . . Spruill goes far behind the highlights . . . A solid work and a must-read for understanding political and cultural divisions over women’s lives in today’s America." - Booklist
"Spruill remains evenhanded in her treatment, tracing the tensions within each group and among their supporters . . . her rigorous research and intense accuracy will make this an indispensable handbook on the history of the National Women’s Conference and its enduring legacy on American politics." - Publishers Weekly
"An authoritative history of the women's rights movement across decades arriving at its current incarnation." - Library Journal
"Ably researched and aptly titled, DIVIDED WE STAND is must reading for anyone seeking to understand how gender politics became national politics." - Jane Sherron De Hart, author of SEX, GENDER, AND THE POLITICS OF ERA
"DIVIDED WE STAND is a compelling account of the last half century’s struggles over the role of women and the nature of the family. At the same time, Marjorie Spruill shows how these issues have played a critical role in the growth of the conservative movement as they have moved to the center of American politics." - Dan T. Carter, author of THE POLITICS OF RAGE
About the Author
Marjorie J. Spruill teaches courses in women's history, Southern history, and recent American history at the University of South Carolina. She is the author of NEW WOMEN OF THE NEW SOUTH and the editor or co-editor of several anthologies, including ONE WOMAN, ONE VOTE and THE SOUTH IN THE HISTORY OF THE NATION. She is on the editorial board of the Journal of American Studies, the journal of the British Association for American Studies (BAAS). She lives in South Carolina.
Most helpful customer reviews
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
The rise of two women's movements & the connection to today's polarized politics
By Texasbooklover
POLITICS/SOCIAL SCIENCES
Marjorie J. Spruill
Divided We Stand: The Battle Over Women’s Rights and Family Values That Polarized American Politics
Bloomsbury USA
Hardcover, 978-1-6328-6314-6, (also available as an e-book and on Audible), 448 pgs., $33.00
February 28, 2017
“Human rights apply equally to Soviet dissidents, Chilean peasants and American women.” —Barbara Jordan
Gloria Steinem refers to the National Women’s Conference, held November 18-21, 1977, in Houston, Texas, as “the most important event nobody knows about.” Twenty thousand women attended the conference. These delegates were Democrats and Republicans, ranging from students to housewives to the presidents of national groups such as the League of Women Voters, the National Federation of Business and Professional Women, and the National Organization for Women. The star-studded cast included Bella Abzug, Margaret Mead, Betty Friedan, Texas’s Barbara Jordan, Maya Angelou, Jean Stapleton (aka Edith Bunker of All in the Family), Coretta Scott King, and three first ladies of the United States.
With a remarkable degree of unity, a National Plan of Action titled The Spirit of Houston was adopted at the conference and presented to President Jimmy Carter. This plan included recommendations on education and employment discrimination, equal access to credit, extending social security benefits to homemakers, aid to elderly and disabled women, prevention of domestic violence, rape, and child abuse, ratifying the Equal Rights Amendment, and greater participation for women in foreign policy, among other issues.
“Solidarity among feminists was not the same as solidarity among American women,” Spruill notes. As the conference began, across town fifteen to twenty thousand people converged on the Astro Arena for a Pro-Life, Pro-Family Rally, headed by Phyllis Schlafly. Schlafly was the leader of Stop-ERA (Stop Taking Our Privileges), and she created the right-wing Eagle Forum to “combat women’s lib,” which they were convinced was a Communist plot to knock American women, “beneficiaries of a tradition of special respect for women which dates back from the Christian Age of Chivalry,” off the mythical pedestal.
Divided We Stand: The Battle Over Women’s Rights and Family Values That Polarized American Politics is Professor Marjorie J. Spruill’s account of the events leading to the National Women’s Conference, the disappointing results, and the rise of social conservatives. “There were two women’s movements in the 1970s: a women’s rights movement that enjoyed tremendous success,” Spruill writes, “and a conservative women’s movement that formed in opposition.… Each played an essential role in the making of modern American political culture.” Spruill draws a direct line between these two movements and the rigidly divided electorate of today.
Spruill provides a concise history of second-wave feminism and the rise of social conservatives, as well as a detailed account of the historic gains of feminism in the 1970s. Heavily footnoted, the narrative bogs down intermittently in names and acronyms, but Divided We Stand isn’t a strenuously academic work, and is quite readable for a general audience.
Divided We Stand is filled with countless priceless details of the times. Airline executives defending before Congress their policy of “measurement” checks for stewardesses claimed the checks were “essential to their business.” Representative Martha Griffiths asked, “What are you running, an airline or a whorehouse?” Checkmate.
Spruill’s epilogue does a superb job of wrapping up events since Ronald Reagan took office, including the 2016 election, which is a tall order. An important contribution to a time and a subject that should be better known, the story told in Divided We Stand retains its relevance, and indeed has renewed urgency.
Originally published in Lone Star Literary Life.
3 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
How Women Polarized American Politics
By Thomas J. Farrell
In the new book Divided We Stand: The Battle Over Women’s Rights and Family Values That Polarized American Politics (Bloomsbury, 2017), Marjorie J. Spruill in history at the University of South Carolina, who has authored or edited ten previous books, centers her attention on the two competing women’s conferences held in Houston, Texas, over the weekend of November 18-21, 1977.
However, even though Spruill includes photographs of a number of women, photos of women involved in the pro-feminist conference decidedly outnumber photos of women in the conservative anti-feminist conference.
But Spruill tends to be thorough and even-handed and balanced in her account of the two competing women’s movements. She hopes that her “book will help readers understand” “the troubled state of our political culture” (page 346). Perhaps it will.
Now, out of the spirit of the black civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s protesting the Jim Crow laws and customs in the South, the feminist women’s movement (also known as second wave feminism) emerged in the 1960s and 1970s protesting American laws and customs involving women. The conservative anti-feminist women’s movement emerged to counter-balance the feminist women’s movement.
Second-wave feminists dubbed men who dared to oppose them and their agenda as male chauvinist pigs. For understandable reasons, most self-respecting men preferred not to be sneered at as male chauvinist pigs. But the aging tennis player Bobby Riggs gamely described himself as a male chauvinist pig in the lead up to his famous tennis match with Billie Jean King (Spruill, page 4). However, for understandable reasons, not many other men followed his example.
In literary studies, the use of such vituperation is known as flyting. For example, in the story of David and Goliath in the Hebrew Bible (1Sam. 17:43-47), Goliath excels at the use of vituperation. In the 2016 presidential campaign, Donald J. Trump of New York vigorously used vituperation.
The American Jesuit cultural historian and theorist Walter J. Ong (1912-2003; Ph.D. in English, Harvard University, 1955) of Saint Louis University, the Jesuit university in St. Louis, Missouri, discusses the practice of flyting in the following three books:
(1) The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (Yale University Press, 1967, pages 197, 207-222, and 259), the expanded version of Ong’s 1964 Terry Lectures at Yale University;
(2) Fighting for Life: Contest, Sexuality, and Consciousness (Cornell University Press, 1981, pages 108, 125, 142, and 154; also see pages 110-111 regarding Bobby Riggs and Billie Jean King), Ong’s 1979 Messenger Lectures at Cornell University;
(3) Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (Methuen, 1982, pages 43-45), Ong’s most widely known book.
In my estimate, Ong’s seminal work in cultural studies in these books and numerous other publications represents the road not taken by most second-wave feminists interested in cultural studies.
However, in the book Hillary's Choice (Random House, 1999, pages 48-49 and 66), Gail Sheehy reports that young Hillary Rodham (born in 1947) in the summer of 1967 read Ong's other 1967 book In the Human Grain: Further Explorations in Contemporary Culture (Macmillan) and was deeply impressed with it.
For a complete bibliography of Ong’s publications over the years, see the late Thomas M. Walsh’s “Walter J. Ong, S.J.: A Bibliography 1929-2006” in the anthology Language, Culture, and Identity: The Legacy of Walter J. Ong, S.J., edited by Sara van den Berg and Walsh (Hampton Press, 2011, pages 185-245).
Now, even though second-wave feminists made the vituperative expression “male chauvinist pig” famous, their ways of expressing themselves otherwise would not be likened to Goliath’s way of expressing himself – or to Trump’s. The pattern of verbal expression known as flyting typically involves not only vituperation about real or imagined adversaries but also boasting about oneself. But second-wave feminists eschewed self-boasting in favor of protesting about one thing or another.
By definition, women could not be called male chauvinist pigs. So it fell to other women such as Phyllis Schlafly (1924-2016) to challenge the second-wave feminists.
The pro-feminist conference in Houston in 1977 was government-sponsored. By contrast, the anti-feminist conference in Houston the same weekend in 1977 was organized by Phyllis Schlafly and her conservative allies without official government support. According to Spruill, young Phyllis completed her undergraduate studies at Washington University in St. Louis in three years, and then she earned a master’s degree in political science at Radcliffe. In 1949, she married the Harvard-educated lawyer Fred Schlafly (Spruill, pages 76-77). Of all of the women that Spruill mentions in her book, Phyllis Schlafly emerges as one of the most energetic and effective political organizers. By all accounts, she was the most effective opponent in the effort to stop the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) from being ratified. Remarkably, she worked from her home office in Alton, Illinois, across the river from St. Louis, Missouri, not from an office in the media center of the world in New York City, nor from an office in the center of the federal government in Washington, D.C. In the index in Spruill’s books, there are far more subheadings under Phyllis Schlafly’s name and far more page references to her than to any other individual person in the book.
Now, as far as I know, Ong did not publish anything in which he mentions Phyllis Schlafly, and as far as I know, she did not publish anything in which she mentions Ong. However, they may have met one another at some social function in St. Louis. She was related by marriage to Daniel L. Schlafly, Sr., who served as the first lay chair of the new mostly lay board of trustees instituted at Saint Louis University, the Jesuit university where Ong taught. In 1978, Ong served as the first Roman Catholic priest ever elected president of the Modern Language Association of America. But as far as I know, he did not publish anything about the two competing women’s conferences in Houston in 1977 – or anything specific about second-wave feminism or the ERA. In general, he was not a conservative Catholic, as Phyllis Schlafly was.
Now, by November 18-21, 1977, the ERA favored by pro-feminist forces needed to be ratified in only three more states in the United States to become the law of the land. However, despite an official extension for the ratification period, the ERA was never ratified in three more states. Thus in the end, Phyllis Schlafly and her conservative allies emerged victorious in their efforts to stop the ERA from being ratified. She had been active in the Stop-ERA movement since 1972 (Spruill, page 9).
The pro-feminist conference in Houston was not just government-backed – it had bipartisan support in the government – and so did the ERA at the time. In the terminology used in the 2016 presidential campaign, the elites tended to favor the pro-feminist conference in 1977.
As Spruill reports, Egyptian president Anwar Sadat happened to travel to Israel the same weekend in 1977 (page 4). As a result, many newspapers put news stories about the pro-feminist conference in Houston below the fold on the front page (page 232). Nevertheless, the pro-feminist conference was otherwise a “media extravaganza” (page 5).
Disclosure: I did not feel strongly about the ERA one way or the other. At the time, the pro-feminist conference in Houston was of no particular interest to me, just as the Woodstock festival in New York was of no particular interest to me at the time. However, I can understand intellectually how the pro-feminist conference in Houston could have had a big impact on the second-wave feminists who participated in it.
Now, despite the bipartisan support for the ERA that Spruill reports as existing in November 1977, conservatives effectively used anti-60s rhetoric to advance their political fortunes, as Philip Jenkins details in his book Decade of Nightmares: The end of the Sixties and the Making of Eighties America (Oxford University Press, 2006).
Now, in the 2016 presidential election, the Democratic Party’s candidate was a second-wave feminist, former secretary of state Hillary Rodham Clinton, and the Republican Party’s candidate was a male chauvinist pig.
The Democratic second-wave feminist won the popular vote by million votes, thanks to big margins of victory in certain large states.
But the Republican male chauvinist pig won a decisive electoral victory, thanks to a combined total of 77,000 Trump voters in three states: Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
Predictably, the conservative anti-feminist Phyllis Schlafly, a well-educated Roman Catholic, publicly endorsed the male chauvinist pig, not the feminist. Candidate Trump repaid her endorsement by delivering a eulogy at her funeral Mass in St. Louis (Spruill, page 341).
But Spruill does not discuss whether Trump had any connections with Phyllis Schlafly prior to his 2016 presidential campaign – or his views of the ERA.
Had the feminist emerged victorious in the 2016 presidential election, we would undoubtedly be reading encomiums about the pro-feminist conference in 1977 in 2017 as part of the fortieth anniversary commemorative of the memorable conference. So the second-wave feminists were defeated not only in their effort to get the ERA ratified but also in their effort to get a second-wave feminist elected president in 2016 – losing to a male chauvinist pig in 2016.
Even though Hillary is a symbol of second-wave feminists, Spruill does not discuss Hillary’s views of the two competing women’s conferences in Houston in 1977 – before she had emerged as a prominent national figure – or her views of the ERA.
Spruill quotes journalist Joe Klein’s account of the pro-feminist conference in Houston: “Joe Klein, covering the [pro-feminist] conference [in Houston in 1977] for Rolling Stone, noted tongue in cheek that, despite strong feelings, ‘there was a remarkable absence of aggression.’ ‘There was real anger,’ he said, ‘but not even the slightest intimation of violence, not a push or a shove. There was intolerance, but not all that much yelling . . . Try as they might, women had never been trained to be aggressive, and therefore weren’t too good at it, which made for a more civilized gathering’” (Spruill, page 225).
But because Trump attended a military academy in high school, he was presumably trained there to be aggressive. In the 2016 presidential campaign, he excelled at the use of flyting (e.g., “crooked Hillary”).
By contrast, Hillary’s campaign events in 2016 were “more civilized gatherings” (in Joe Klein’s words) than Trump’s campaign events in 2016 were. Even though Hillary is a second-wave feminist, she did not in her campaign explicitly characterize Trump as a male chauvinist pig.
Spruill reports that Hillary in the 2016 presidential election “performed much better with white women than any Democratic presidential candidate in decades, winning 51 percent of white women with college degrees and married women by 2 points – [but] 62 percent of non-college women voted for Trump” (page 343).
Nevertheless, second-wave feminists deserve their fair share of credit or blame for polarizing American politics and thereby contributing to the improbable election of so-called President Trump, a male chauvinist pig if ever there was one.
As Spruill notes in passing, there was a backlash against the second-wave feminists in the 1980s (page 344). In the lead-up to the 2016 presidential election, I published a number of op-ed commentaries online warning that it was not unthinkable that Trump could emerged victorious. Even though I myself voted for Hillary, I do not see Trump’s victory as “one of the most stunning upsets in American political history,” as Spruill sees it (page 343).
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